In 1980, Ronald Reagan was elected president over the union-backed incumbent President Jimmy Carter. Although Reagan had previously served as the actors’ union president during his Hollywood career, his labor secretaries did not follow the models set by previous Republican administrations. Instead of appointing union leaders or supporters of organized labor, Reagan chose Raymond J. Donovan, who was known for his deregulatory approach, as labor secretary. Donovan resigned in 1985 amid legal challenges, but his successors continued to align with Reagan’s deregulatory policies. When George H.W. Bush succeeded Reagan, he appointed Elizabeth Dole as labor secretary; she later co-sponsored a National Right to Work bill as a U.S. senator.
Reagan’s administration took a firm stance against Big Labor, notably by dismissing illegally striking PATCO air traffic controllers in 1981. This move did not harm the GOP’s electoral prospects; Reagan secured re-election and achieved significant support from union households despite breaking the PATCO strike. The strategy focused on deregulation and tax cuts that controlled inflation and stimulated economic growth rather than expanding collective bargaining or appeasing union leaders.
The relationship between Republicans and labor unions deteriorated further after the Republican takeover of Congress in 1994 and John Sweeney’s rise to AFL-CIO leadership in 1996. Sweeney’s unsuccessful efforts to return Congress to Democratic control drew criticism from then-Rep. Peter King (R-NY), who noted that Sweeney’s actions alienated the GOP: “If he’d been more of an appeaser to pro-labor Republicans, we wouldn’t get drilled by [House speaker] Newt [Gingrich] for supporting labor.”
The Teamsters Union under Ron Carey broke its historical ties with Republicans and aligned closely with the Clinton White House, leading to Carey’s removal amid a campaign-finance scandal. His successor James P. Hoffa maintained Democratic endorsements during George W. Bush’s campaigns.
After the 2004 election, Hoffa led the Teamsters out of the AFL-CIO alongside SEIU to form Change to Win—a coalition aiming to revitalize unions—which ultimately failed and reinforced their alignment with Democrats.
The decline of Change to Win and new leadership at the Teamsters have reignited interest among some Republicans like Sen. Josh Hawley (R-MO) and Labor Secretary Lori Chavez-DeRemer in appealing to working people through increased union strength—a strategy critiqued for misunderstanding workers’ independence from union bosses’ guidance.
Historically, ideological splits within Big Labor have proven temporary due to shared goals between government-sector and private-sector unions—especially when Republican policies lean conservative domestically.
Ultimately, any short-term electoral gains for Republicans from engaging with unions could result in unfavorable policies without securing lasting loyalty from unions or their members—potentially harming broader economic interests.
Former Senator Joseph Ball warned about this dynamic in 1953: “bucking the [Eisenhower] White House on this issue could mean primary defeat for many G.O.P congressmen.” He noted that only those confident in district support could risk opposing it: “Some G.O.P congressional leaders have even swallowed the political deal aspect.”
Ball’s cautionary tale suggests empowering union bosses may not yield desired results for conservatives seeking free-market solutions while maintaining worker freedom principles intact remains crucial.
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